The Melanesian delegation

While West Papuan independence groups appeal for international recognition, Jakarta is fighting to retain control of the region

Melanesian politics are rarely a concern for the world’s emerging powers. For the Indonesian government, however, they have become a matter of grave importance.

Strength in numbers:
Some 2,000 Papuans march to demand a referendum on self-determination in 2010

The Melanesian Spearhead Group (MSG) – an intergovernmental organisation composed of Fiji, Vanuatu, Papua New Guinea, Solomon Islands and the FLNKS, an alliance of political parties in New Caledonia – has promised to send a mission to West Papua, Indonesia’s resource-rich, easternmost region. On the agenda will be assessing whether the West Papua National Coalition for Liberation (WPNCL) should be allowed to join the MSG – something Jakarta would prefer to avoid.

West Papua is a part of Indonesia, but the WPNCL, an umbrella group of dozens of West Papuan organisations, campaigns for the region’s independence. Indonesia’s history is littered with separatist plays, and Jakarta fears nothing more than the breakup of the republic. MSG membership could serve as a stepping stone for West Papua’s addition to the United Nations’ list of countries yet to be decolonised, an unprecedented acknowledgement by the international community that its people have been deprived of their right to self-determination. The 1969 Act of Free Choice, a UN-sponsored referendum in which West Papuans were supposedly able to choose whether to join Indonesia or form their own country, is widely regarded as a sham.

The MSG already considered the coalition’s bid, but its foreign ministers elected, at Jakarta’s behest, to defer a decision until they could see for themselves the situation in West Papua. At the 19th MSG Leaders’ Summit, held in mid-June in Noumea, New Caledonia, they announced they would form a delegation to visit Jakarta and then West Papua before the end of the year. The stated aim was to investigate whether West Papuans really are victims of human rights abuses and economic marginalisation. There is a long history in Indonesia of vicious acts committed by the security forces and of wealth flowing inordinately from the archipelago’s peripheries to Java and Jakarta in the centre.

Jakarta was relieved by the deferral. It now has the chance to state its case on its own turf. “[Jakarta] was likely aiming to create a situation where they could control what data was provided to the MSG regarding [West] Papua,” Selpius Bobii, a Papuan political prisoner, wrote in Scoop Media. “It’s going to be absolutely critical that the [delegation] in their visit… show extreme caution and a highly selective process in their acceptance of data and information.”

The interim might also give Indonesia time to influence the course of events in other ways. Jakarta will probably use it to try to buy off Melanesian political leaders, according to Jason MacLeod, a University of Queensland professor and a research fellow with the West Papua Project at the Centre for Peace and Conflict Studies at the University of Sydney. “I think we are likely to see financial inducements offered to MSG nations in the form of bilateral agreements and aid,” he said.

Up in arms: The prime minister of Fiji, Voreqe Bainimarama, has close military ties with Indonesia

The MSG members seem divided in their stances. Fijian Prime Minister Voreqe Bainimarama enjoys close military ties with the Indonesian government, and recently there have been high-level visits, MacLeod said. In Papua New Guinea, there is a split between Peter O’Neill, the current prime minister, and Michael Somare, the previous one. While Somare, a guest of honour at the June summit, said that he backed West Papuan membership, O’Neill did not even attend. Instead, he visited Jakarta, concluding the trip by telling reporters that West Papua was an integral part of Indonesia.

Solomon Islands Prime Minister Gordon Lilo said at the summit that “the West Papuan case is an incomplete decolonisation issue… it must be resolved now”, according to a WPNCL statement. But in August, Lilo told journalists after a meeting with Indonesian President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono in Jakarta that he was “quite impressed with the [ongoing] progress in Papua”. He also visited West Papua but, to MacLeod’s knowledge, did not meet with any political prisoners or resistance leaders. Last month it came to light that Jakarta had paid for the trip, giving Lilo’s government $171,000.

There is a chance Jakarta will try to head off the MSG delegation by inviting the ministers on a series of individual, bilateral visits, according to MacLeod. “After several visits by single foreign ministers, the Indonesian government could claim a multilateral visit is not necessary,” he said. “The danger is that the MSG foreign ministers could write their report advising on the decision of West Papuan membership to the MSG without any genuine input from Papuan civil society.”

The other two MSG members seem less vulnerable to such overtures. The FLNKS (Kanak and Socialist Nationalist Liberation Front, a political coalition from New Caledonia, whose multi-party government is divided over whether the territory should push for independence from France) is seeking support for its own decolonisation campaign. Indeed, it was the FLNKS that invited the WPNCL to attend the summit.
In Vanuatu, the issue of Papuan decolonisation has risen further up the national agenda than in any other country. In 2010 its parliament passed a unanimous motion to take the matter up with the UN. At the June summit, Vanuatu’s prime minister, Moanna Carcassas, said that the country would not be free until all of Melanesia was free: “I say that we as brothers must stand for [West Papua]. The epicentre of support for the advocacy for West Papuan self-determination must begin in this region – Melanesia – and from here it could spread to other foreign lands.”

That is exactly what Jakarta does not want to happen. The lengths it will go to to prevent it remain to be seen. Already, foreign journalists are effectively banned from West Papua. Reporters will undoubtedly seek to accompany the MSG mission, but the rules are justified by a supposed threat to their safety. Leaked military documents, however, show that Jakarta is more worried about international opinion toward West Papua than about militants. Secret files that surfaced in 2010 said that the “separatist political movement” which had “reached the outside world” was “much more dangerous” than armed groups that “hardly do anything”.

This is not the first time Jakarta has had to decide how to handle journalists reporting on a foreign delegation it would rather not accommodate. In 1991, Portugal planned a fact-finding mission to East Timor, its former colony, to determine whether the people there were content with Indonesian rule. The delegation was cancelled after Jakarta objected to the inclusion of Jill Jolliffe, an Australian reporter who it regarded as pro-independence. “They said the journalist was not serving the purpose of the visit,” said Andreas Harsono, a Jakarta-based researcher with Human Rights Watch. “The purpose of the visit was for the Portuguese delegation to see things getting better in East Timor.”

The East Timorese went ahead with a massive demonstration anyway; more than 200 protesters were killed. But an English reporter filmed the carnage, and the video he smuggled out was broadcast across the world. That was when the international movement for East Timor really took off.
A similar incident in West Papua, known as the Biak massacre, produced a different result. In 1998 soldiers opened fire on Papuans as they demonstrated in Biak, killing dozens. “There were no outsiders there to witness it,” MacLeod said. “West Papua is a secret story.”

Jakarta is already selling the MSG ministers its own version of the West Papuan story. The WPNCL may never get to tell its side.

Understanding Future Leaders Attitudes to National Identity in Melanesia and Timor-Leste

Understanding Future Leaders Attitudes to National Identity in Melanesia and Timor-Leste

Free West Papua Compain In Timor Leste

A discussion paper published through the Australian National University’s ‘State, Society and Governance in Melanesia’ series authored by: Michael Leach, James Scambary, Matthew Clarke, Simon Feeny, & Heather Wallace. ISSN: 1328-7854

In 1992, former prime minister of Solomon Islands, Solomon Mamaloni famously described his home as ‘a nation conceived but never born’, going on to say, ‘All of these small “island nations” were independent entities long before the northern explorers found them. Their cultures differed from each other. However, inter migration between islands close to each other has resulted in some similarities in customs and other characteristics. The merging of these ‘island nations’ into one ‘sovereign authority’ was by human design… Unfortunately, for all practical purposes it was the greatest error of the British administration in this region.’

‘Understanding Future Leaders Attitudes to National Identity in Melanesia and Timor-Leste’ presents findings and analysis of 1,160 surveys conducted with University students from Papua New Guinea, Solomon Islands, Vanuatu and Timor-Leste between June 2009 and March 2010. Unfortunately, Fiji was not included in the study, which would have been interesting, especially in light of the country’s diverse cultural makeup, distinct foreign policies and influential political status in Melanesia.

In any case, the paper is both relevant and worthwhile, lending quantitative data to topic areas usually confined to qualitative examination and drawing attention to the important and fundamental differences between concepts of ‘state-building’ and ‘nation-building’. This is an important exercise, especially given the recognised barriers to development that a divide between functions of the ‘nation’ and ‘state’ appear to create. Along with the background section exploring the concepts of nation- and state- building, the paper includes an overview of the methodology of the study and an in-depth exploration of the findings, conveyed via several fascinating tables and graphs accompanied by strong analysis.

The findings presented in the paper lend weight to the argument that while state-building is important, greater attention needs to be paid to the challenges of nation-building in Melanesia and Timor-Leste,
‘While the international community is preoccupied with post-conflict state- building (focused on improving governance, institutional capacity, accountability, and the rule of law) the broader processes of nation-building (community development, identity formation, and national integration), and of creating the conditions for social cohesion and political stability have been relatively neglected.’

A recent ODI opinion piece contends, along a similar vein, that state-building efforts could be enhanced not only by supporting weak governments, but through complementary ‘citizenship-building’ efforts. By improving citizens’ levels of participation and their democratic demands, governments become more accountable, in turn strengthening capacity.

The hypothesis of ‘Understanding Future Leaders Attitudes to National Identity in Melanesia and Timor-Leste’ is that by studying the views of today’s educated elites, we can gain a better understanding of some of the challenges confronting efforts to build a stronger sense of national identity and achieve greater social cohesion in political communities. A nuanced understanding of the attitudes of these elites could prove useful to Pacific governments, donors and civil society in terms of assisting policymakers with prioritising policy focus areas and resource allocation. Information from the survey brings attention to particularly disenfranchised members of communities (such as women) and brings attention to issues of particular concern. For example, the paper highlights tensions surrounding rural-urban migration, with 91% of Papua New Guineans surveyed stating a belief that ‘people moving to cities and towns causes social problems’. Such figures could prompt politicians and policymakers to increase efforts to improve urban management strategies and/or rural service delivery.

Highlighting the diverse cultural and ethno-linguistic make-up the four countries, (sharing more than 1000 distinct languages between them), it is possible that information gathered could be used to assist governments with future decisions regarding the structure of their language education policies. One particular table shared in the discussion paper (see below) helps illustrate why Timor-Leste’s recent decision to make Portuguese an official language proved so controversial.

While the findings of the study are undeniably valuable, policy makers should be wary of the temptation to apply more meaning to the study than was originally intended. The authors acknowledge that the findings reflect the views of ‘an educated stratum of youth’. These educated elites are not only more likely to be younger but also a wealthier, urban-raised minority afforded a rare opportunity to mingle with people from distant provinces and countries. As such, it is important to remember that the views expressed in the surveys may not necessarily reflect beliefs held by ider populations. That being said, those surveyed represent a significantly influential and powerful group of the future, a segment of society worth understanding better.
Among others, some of the key findings of the student survey include:

• -The level of respect felt for traditional authority and kastom/adat matched the level of respect for modern state authority
• -Although Christianity was recognised as a key marker of national identity, respect for traditional authority and custom usually exceeded it in perceptions of importance
• -Differences in geographical region of origin, language background and gender, along with historical, colonial and missionary legacies all noticeably influenced attitudes toward national identity
• -There are significant levels of disaffection surrounding issues of rural-urban migration
• -Women expressed lower levels of closeness to their home villages, and lower levels of faith in traditional authorities for dispute resolution across all four countries. In PNG, women were also significantly less proud of their country’s ‘fair and equal treatment of all citizens’
• -The key sources of national pride lay less in the capacity of the state and more with popular affiliations to society, culture, and independence. There were high levels of respect for political institutions in principle but less faith in their actual performance.

The paper contends that if hurdles relating to governance and service provision can be addressed, there is potential to improve social cohesion and build nations upon the bases of shared pride in national history, culture, faith and the demonstrated belief in the overarching principles of democracy. Ideas that a healthy arts and culture environment are fundamental to nation building have also been explored in this discussion paper by PiPP.

‘Understanding Future Leaders Attitudes to National Identity in Melanesia and Timor-Leste’ begins by lamenting not enough attention is being paid to nation-building objectives. It shares Scott’s (2005) contention that a weak state is a cause rather than an effect of the comparative weakness of national identity. Rather than debating whether state-building or nation-building projects are the development version of the ‘chicken’ or the ‘egg’, it seems clear that projects in developing countries would be more likely to succeed if nation-building objectives were to be given greater attention and worked on complementarily with state-building goals.

This entry was posted on Wednesday, November 7th, 2012 at 6:00 am and is filed under General. You can follow any responses to this entry through the RSS 2.0 feed. You can leave a response, or trackback from your own site.

Organisa Papua Merdeka (OPM) Dapat Dukungan Dari Negara-Negara Melanesia

Organisa Papua Merdeka (OPM) Dapat Dukungan Dari Negara-Negara Melanesia  

 

 The Voice Of Melanesia Nations - Melanesian Spearhead Group

The Voice Of Melanesia Nations - Melanesian Spearhead Group

JAKARTA, PESATNEWS- Organisasi Persatuan antarnegara Melanesia atau Melanesian Spearhead Group (MSG) memberikan pengakuan dan dukungan terhadap kemerdekaan Papua Barat. Hal tersebut dilontarkan oleh Sekretaris Jenderal West Papua National Coalition for Liberation Rex Rumikek.

"Pengakuan Melanesian Spearhead Group (MSG) atas Papua Barat lebih penting daripada keanggotaan," ujar Rex, seperti dikutip Radio Australia, Rabu (26/6/2013).

Menurut Rex kelompok MSG melakukan pertemuan di Kaledonia Baru pekan lalu. Dalam pertemuan itu, MSG mengakui keberadaan Papua Barat dan menerima permohonan keanggotan dari aktivis Papua itu.

"Dalam komunike akhir mereka, para pemimpin Melanesia mendukung hak yang tak dapat dipungkiri dari rakyat Papua Barat untuk menentukan nasib sendiri," lanjutnya.

Sebelumnya, pelobi Papua Andy Ayamiseba mengatakan, bila aplikasi keanggotaan diterima maka bisa meningkatkan status Papua Barat yang ingin memerdekakan diri dari Indonesia.

Beberapa waktu lalu, Organisasi Papua Merdeka (OPM) mendapatkan dukungan dari pemerintah kota Oxford, Inggris. Bendera OPm bebas berkibar di salah satu kota besar Inggris tersebut.

WEST PAPUA UJIAN BAGI NEGARA-NEGARA UJUNG TOMBAK MELANESIA

The Voice Of Melanesia Nations For West Papua

Jayapura, 14/8 (Melanesi Post)-– Selama tiga hari PM Kepulauan Solomon Gordon Darcy Lilo berkunjung ke Indonesia. Ia sudah berada di Bogor pada Senin(12/8) dan telah melakukan pertemuan bilateral dengan Presiden Republik Indonesia, Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono.

Lilo menegaskan kunjungannya ke Indonesia atas undangan dari Pemerintah Indonesia untuk menerima informasi seputar kemajuan dan perkembangan di Papua serta kerja sama ekonomi.
Kepulauan Solomon, Fiji, Vanuatu, PNG dan FLNKS dari Kanak Caledonia Baru termasuk negara-negara Ujung Tombak Melanesia yang mengundang WPNCL dari West Papua untuk hadir dalam MSG Summit di Noumea, belum lama ini.

Berikut tabloidjubi.com mencoba mengangkat potensi sumber daya alam mineral di PNG dan Provinsi Papua  termasuk bagaiman mengangkat nilai-nilai Melanesia menurut mantan PM Vanuatu Walter Lini. Melanesian way mulai berkembang sejak 1970 an hingga awal 1980 an di mana Walter Lini sebagai salah satu pencetusnya.

Papua New Guinea (PNG) dan Provinsi Papua satu daratan yang memiliki tambang emas terbesar saat ini. Hanya saja potensi itu belum dimanfaatkan secara maksimal bagi kemakmuran masyarakat di Melanesia. Ujung tombak negara Melanesia, termasuk wilayah yang kaya akan sumber daya alam termasuk potensi perikanan terbesar di dunia.

Bayangkan demam emas pertama kali melanda PNG sejak 1878 di Port Moresby, eksploitasi yang berlebihan oleh Inggris dan Australia hingga sekarang ini. Sedangkan di Papua Barat secara intensip dilakukan oleh PT Freeport Indonesia pada 1973. Bahkan pejabat berwenang di PNG berani mengatakan mereka menargetkan akan menjadi salah satu penghasil emas terbesar di dunia.

Berdasarkan pengalaman  di PNG, saat demam emas  melanda wilayah Port Moresby dan Bulolo, orang mulai menyadari bahwa setidaknya gunung-gunung di Papua Barat (Provinsi Papua dan Papua Barat) yang berbatasan langsung dengan PNG seperti OK Tedi Mining diduga terdapat kandungan emas di Pegunungan Bintang, Papua Barat.

Papua New Guinea(PNG) termasuk negara Ujung Tombak Melanesia yang memiliki potensi sumber daya mineral terbesar di antara sesama negara Melanesia. Sumber mineral terbesar adalah tembaga dan emas yang menyumbang sekitar 60 % eksport PNG sejak 1989 hingga saat ini. Potensi ini belum termasuk sumber daya minyak dan LNG. Tambang terbesar jelas terdapat di Bougainville dan OK Tedi Mining.

Bukan hanya  wilayah itu saja yang diduga memiliki potensi tambang dan mineral tetapi Sungai Frieda, demikian pula di dekat Madang Province. Potensi gas alam dan minyak bumi juga ditemukan di Teluk Papua.
Bagaimana dengan wilayah Melanesia lainnya seperti Solomon Island, Fiji, New Caledonia dan Vanuatu? Jelas agak berbeda jauh dengan PNG yang memiliki dataran lebih luas ketimbang negara-negara Melanesia tersebut.

Vanuatu yang baru merdeka pada 30 Juli 1980  termasuk salah satu negara yang mendorong solidaritas sesama Ujung Tombak Melanesia dimotori oleh mantan PM Vanuatu Walter Lini. Mantan Perdana Menteri Vanuatu inilah yang mensponsori berdirinya Ujung Tombak Melanesia pada Maret 1988 di Port Villa.

Menurut Walter Lini nilai-nilai Melanesia adalah merupakan kepercayaan budaya dari rakyatnya. Bagi Walter Lini nilai-nilai Melanesia merupakan kebalikan dari nilai-nilai kapitalis, komunalisme versus individualisme. Berbagi(sharing) versus kepentingan pribadi, dan kemanusiaan versus materialisme.

Komunalisme dalam budaya Melanesia didasarkan pada kesadaran masyarakat di mana individu tidak melihat dirinya atau kepentingan pribadinya harus diutamakan daripada kepentingan bersama masyarakat. Atau tidak ada kepentingan pribadi setiap suku tetapi yang ada hanya kepentingan klen di dalam kebudayaan Melanesia.

Menurut Walter Lini sharing memiliki hubungan erat dengan prinsip memberi dan menerima dalam kebudayaan Melanesia, “memberi berdasarkan kemampuan seseorang, dan menerima berdasarkan kebutuhan seseorang.” Kemanusiaan lanjut Walter Lini jelas  menunjuk kepada “rasa kasih”(affection) dan “tolong menolong”(mutual help). Dengan demikian menurut Lini Melanesian Way adalah komunalisme, sharing dan kemanusiaan.

Melanesian way juga berkembang dengan pesat awal 1970 an ketika PNG hendak merdeka dari penjajahan pemerintahan Australia, 16 September 1975. Saat itu muncul gerakan-gerakan radikal yang  menentang kolonialisme dan menuntut kemerdekaan PNG. Idelogi kaum nasionalis PNG lebih banyak tercermin dalam istilah Melanesian Way.

Walter Lini menyadari betapa pentingnya membangkitkan kembali kebudayaan Melanesia, yang disebut sebagai Melanesia Renaissance. Ini berarti lanjut Lini harus menunjuk kepada kelahiran kembali identitas dan tujuan kita, serta memelihara, dan tanpa mecegah hak yang diberikan Tuhan kepada kita untuk membangun dengan cara kita dan sesuai dengan nilai-nilai dan harapan-harapan kita. (B.M.Kilungga)

Organisasi Antar-Negara Melanesia Akui Papua Barat

Rabu, 26 Juni 2013 14:51 wib

B.M.Kilungga - The Voice Melanesia Nation

The Voice Melanesia Nation

MELANESIA - Organisasi antarnegara Melanesia atau Melanesian Spearhead Group (MSG) memberikan pengakuan terhadap Papua Barat. Hal tersebut dilontarkan oleh Sekretaris Jenderal West Papua National Coalition for Liberation Rex Rumikek. "Pengakuan Melanesian Spearhead Group (MSG) atas Papua Barat lebih penting dari pada keanggotaan," ujar Rex, seperti dikutip Radio Australia, Rabu (26/6/2013).

Menurut Rex kelompok MSG melakukan pertemuan di Kaledonia Baru pekan lalu. Dalam pertemuan itu, MSG mengakui keberadaan Papua Barat dan menerima permohonan keanggotan dari aktivis Papua itu.

"Dalam komunike akhir mereka, para pemimpin Melanesia mendukung hak yang tak dapat dipungkiri dari rakyat Papua Barat untuk menentukan nasib sendiri," lanjutnya.

Sebelumnya, pelobi Papua Andy Ayamiseba mengatakan, bila aplikasi keanggotaan diterima maka bisa meningkatkan status Papua Barat yang ingin memerdekakan diri dari Indonesia.

Sementara usai pertemuan MSG tersebut Rex menyebutkan, "Menjadi anggota tidak terlalu penting karena itu hanya suatu jembatan bagi kami untuk menuju ke PBB. Itu juga penting, tapi yang paling penting adalah pengakuan dari anggota-anggota PBB dan Australia bahwa isu Papua Barat, hak kami untuk menentukan nasib sendiri."

MSG adalah lembaga internasional yang terdiri dari empat negara Melanesia. Negara yang tergabung dalam organisasi ini antara lain Fiji, Papua Nugini, Kepulauan Solomon dan Vanuatu serta satu partai dari Kaledonia Baru.

Pertama kali dibentuk, lembaga ini tidak lebih sebagai pertemuan politik pada 1983 lalu. Pada 23 Maret 2007, anggota MSG menandatangani pembentukan MSG dan membawa kelompok itu di bawah payung hukum internasional dan memiliki markas di Port Vila, Vanuatu.

The Voice Of Melanesia Nation - Melanesia Kelompok Wilayah bukan Identitas

The Voice Of Melanesia Nation

Melanesia Kelompok Wilayah bukan Identitas

The Voice Of Melanesia Nations

Nama Melanesia (dari bahasa Yunani: hitam; Yunani: pulau) pertama kali digunakan oleh Jules Dumont d’Urville pada 1832 untuk  menunjukkan suatu pengelompokan etnis dan geografis pulau-pulau yang berbeda dari Polinesia dan Mikronesia. Daerah yang termasuk dalam Melanesia adalah Fiji, Papua New Guinea, Kepulauan Salomon, Vanuatu, Kaledonia Baru, Maluku dan Maluku Utara, Nusa Tenggara Timur, Papua dan Papua Barat. Terdapat komunitas antar negara Melanesia yang didirikan pada 23 maret 2013 antara lain Fiji, Papua New Guinea, Kepulauan Salomon dan Vanuatu yang terletak di wilayah samudera pasifik. komunitas antar negara ini di beri nama Melanesian Spearhead Group (MSG) bermarkas di Port Vila-Vanuatu.

Papua adalah Indonesia
Pada saat berbicara tentang Melanesia maka Papua memang termasuk dalam kawasan Melanesia namun tetap berada pada nauangan NKRI. Terkadang terdapat salah persepsi dari beberapa kelompok di Papua yang mengatakan Papua adalah Melanesia maka pantas untuk memisahkan diri, padahal Papua pada saat ini sedang berada pada fase Krisis identitas yang tak terkendali, sehingga berlaku berlebihan untuk mempertegas eksistensi dirinya. Krisis identitas yang terjadi di Papua diakibatkan beberapa factor seperti ketidakmampuan untuk bersaing dalam berbagai bidang, semakin pesatnya perkembangan arus globalisasi dan pembangunan daerah yang cenderung lambat. Permasalahan krisis identitas tidak hanya di hadapi orang-orang Papua namun di seluruh Indonesia seperti kata almarhum Gus Dur Bangsa Indonesia krisis identitas. Pluralisme yang menjadi alasan berdirinya NKRI (Negara Kesatuan Republik Indonesia), terancam . hal ini belum di sadari oleh beberapa kelompok di Papua bahwa sebenarnya permasalahan yang di hadapi di Papua juga di hadapi oleh masyarakat Indonesia secara keseluruhan.

Papua sebuah Identitas
Indonesia terdiri dari berbagai suku dan bahasa termasuk Papua namun Indonesia tetap satu seperti semboyan kita yaitu Bhineka Tunggal Ika (berbeda-beda tetapi tetap satu), itulah keunikan Indonesia yang harus tetap di pertahankan karena keunikan itulah salah satu identitas Indonesia. bagaimanapun alasannya Papua tetap bagian NKRI yang harus sama-sama kita bangun. pembangunan berlandaskan Pancasila bukan hanya membangun secara fisik tetapi juga membangun secara mental. Seperti kata Bung Karno Bangunlah suatu dunia di mana semua bangsa hidup dalam damai dan persaudaran mari kita bangun bangsa Bhineka Tunggal Ika itu tanpa kata Melanesia ataupun melayu.

The Voice Of Melanesia Nations For West Papua

Mayoritas di Melanesia mendukung kemerdekaan Papua Barat

The Voice Of Melanesia Nations For West Papua

Sebagai pemimpin berkumpul di Fiji minggu ini untuk Melanesian Spearhead Group (MSG) Leaders Summit, Pasifik Institut Kebijakan Publik (PIPP) telah merilis temuan dari pertama jajak pendapat melalui telepon yang pernah dilakukan di seluruh Melanesia.

Tujuh pertanyaan yang berkaitan dengan "Melanesia keluarga" negara yang diajukan, termasuk satu meminta yang besar "non pulau Pasifik" negara dianggap mitra terbaik bagi masing-masing negara di wilayah tersebut. Pemimpin MSG dapat didorong bahwa mayoritas (74,9%) responden menyadari badan regional untuk mewakili Melanesia.

Ketika ditanya siapa mereka dianggap sebagai bagian dari keluarga Melanesia, mayoritas yang jelas responden termasuk anggota didirikan (PNG, Kepulauan Solomon, Vanuatu, Fiji dan Kaledonia Baru), sementara 42% juga termasuk Papua Barat, 17,1% termasuk Australia, 14,9% termasuk Indonesia dan 14,1% termasuk Timor Leste.

Pertanyaan lain yang diajukan adalah "Apakah Anda mendukung kemerdekaan bagi Papua Barat?" Sebuah mayoritas responden di seluruh Melanesia mengatakan ya, dengan dukungan yang sangat tinggi di PNG (89,3%) dan Vanuatu (88,2%). Hal ini menunjukkan keterputusan antara dukungan rakyat dan posisi yang diambil oleh pemerintah di wilayah tersebut, kecuali Vanuatu, yang telah lama diperjuangkan Barat penyebab Papua pada tingkat politik.

Diminta untuk menghubungkan hubungan antara negara mereka dan Australia, mayoritas responden mengatakan hal itu positif kecuali yang berada di Fiji. Australia juga dianggap sebagai mitra eksternal yang terbaik untuk PNG (40,5%) dan Solomon (40,4%), sedangkan untuk Vanuatu hanya 14,1% responden menganggap Australia terbaik, sedangkan China mencetak 32,9%. Di antara responden di Fiji ada perasaan bahwa itu dianggap Australia, Selandia Baru, Cina dan AS karena semua kira-kira sama pentingnya.

Sehubungan dengan keterlibatan dengan Fiji, mayoritas responden termasuk di Fiji sendiri, memilih untuk meningkatkan keterlibatan atau menjaga tingkat keterlibatan seperti itu. Pandangan yang diungkapkan oleh responden jajak pendapat ini dapat membantu para pemimpin MSG karena mereka membahas tentang masa depan daerah ini.

Sumber: Dari Vanuatu Daily Post