TPN-OPM BERTANGGUNGJAWAB ATAS PENEMBAKAN TERHADAP 13 ANGGOTA TNI DI SINAK DAN 2 ANGGOTA TNI DI TINGGINAMBUT PUNCAK JAYA PAPUA

TPN-OPM BERTANGGUNGJAWAB ATAS PENEMBAKAN TERHADAP 13 ANGGOTA TNI DI SINAK DAN 2 ANGGOTA TNI DI TINGGINAMBUT PUNCAK JAYA PAPUA

Papua - TPN-OPM Tembak 13 Anggota TNI Pada Kamis 21 Februari 2013 di Sinak, dan Dua Anggota TNI di Tingginambut, Puncak Jaya Papua

Tentara Pembebasan Nasional Papua Barat-Organisasi Papua Merdeka (TPN-OPM), Menembak  mati 13 Anggota TNI dari Koranmil Sinak, Kodim 1714/Puncak Jaya di Kampung Tanggulinik, Distrik Sinak, Kabupaten Puncak Jaya, (Kamis 21/2/2013) pukul 10.30 wp kemarin.

Tigabelas anggota TNI yang berhasil ditembak mati leh TPN di Sinak adalah saat menuju Bandara Sinak untuk mengambil radio dari Nabire.

Tigabelas TNI yang tewas  diantaranya: Sertu Udin, Sertu Frans, Sertu Romadhon, Pratu Mustofa, Sertu Edy, Praka Jojon, Praka Wempi dan enam lainnya belum diketahui identitas.

Beberapa Surat kabar maupun Tv dikabarkan bahwa TPN-OPM tembak 8 anggota TNI di Puncak Jaya adalah penipuan. Hal dikatakan oleh salah satu anggota TPN saat melaporkan peristiwa tersebut kepada admin WPNLA, dari dataran tinggi setelah ia mendapatkan signal jaringan telkomsel, melalui telepon selulernya. Bahwa “kami tembak anggota TNI di Sinak 13  orang dan di Tingginambut 2 anggota TNI”.   Ditanya terkait, penembakan di Sinak dan  di Tingginambut atas Komando siapa? “ ya kami tembak TNI di Sinak dan  di Tingginambut atas perintah Panglima Tinggi TPN-OPM Gen. Goliath Tabuni” kata anggota TPN yang namanya tidak mau dipublikasi itu.

Dua anggota TNI yang dibakarkan ditembak oleh TPN-OPM  di distrik Tingginambut Kampung Guragi, Kabupaten Punjak Jaya pada (Kamis 22/2/2013), pukul 09.00 wp adalah Satgas TNI atas nama Pratu Wahyu Bowo tewas dengan luka tembak di bagian dada dan leher. Satunya, korban luka-luka Danpos Satgas atas nama Lettu Inf Reza yang tertembak di lengan bagian kiri.

Informasi terkait juga dilaporkan oleh salah satu warga di Mulia kota Kabupaten Puncak Jaya. Ditanya, bagaimana proses evakuasi mayat anggota TNI? “Korban dari Tingginambut sedang dirawat RS di Mulia. Korban luka para masih koma, pasti akan meninggal. Pagi ini 13 kantong mayat dikirim dari Sinak ke Mulia  untuk dievakuasi ke Jayapura, ujarnya.

Tambahan dari sumber yang diwawancarai Admin WPNLA via telpon seluler. mengatakan bahwa situasi sementara di Mulia “ saat inipun kami tidak aman di kota disini kami takut, lebih para lagi masyarakat di Tingginambut dan Sinak mereka semua mengungsi ke hutan. Karena, TNI, Brimob sedang kejar TPN-OPM, jadi semua masyarakat takut lari ke hutan”, kata seorang warga di Mulia.

Selanjutnya, Salah satu anggota TPN yang melaporkan peristiwa kepada Admin WPNLA mengatakan bahwa, “Komandan Murib bilang kalau anggota TNI dan BRIMOB berusaha kejar kami, berarti kami siap tembak dan pasukan TPN-OPM tidak akan mundur, TPN akan bertahan terus dan lawan TNI/POLRI”, pungkasnya.

Kata sumber, “Komandan Murib” artinya yang mengatakan “Komandan Operasi Lekagak Gemanus Telenggen.  Tambah sumber lagi, “pagi ini kami tembak pilot helicopter dari gunung”.  Helicopter yang kami tembak adalah milik TNI, saat melakukan evakuasi korban tersebut.

Namun karena, TPN-OPM tembak Pilot Helikopter, sehingga tidak jadi evakuasi melalui udarah menggunakan helicopter, maka helicopter tersebut kembali ke Mulia.

Penembakan 15 Anggota TNI kali ini merupakan, Sikap Panglima Tinggi TPN-OPM Gen.Goliath Tabuni, bahwa berdasarkan dirinya dilantik menjadi Panglima Tinggi TPN-OPM pada 11 Desember 2012 di Tingginambut.

Dalam pidatonya “ saya diangkat sebagai panglima tinggi TPN-OPM sesuai hasil Konferensi Tingkat Tinggi TPN-OPM di Biak pada 1-5 Mei 2012, dan siap memimpin TPN-OPM  serta siap melaksanakan Revolusi Tahapan ataupun  Revolusi Total guna memperoleh Hak Politik Menentukan Nasib Sendiri (Self Determination) bagi Bangsa dan Rakyat Papua Barat.

Sesuai Resolusi KTT TPN-OPM di Biak, saya sebagai Panglima Tinggi TPN-OPM siap bertanggungjawab dan Siap lakukan revolusi tahapan dan akan dilanjutkan dengan Revolusi total, sambil mengatur dan membenahi structural TPN-OPM sesuai standar Internasional.

Notes:

TPN-OPM anggap bahwa semua orang Indonesia yang telah dan sedang cari makan dan mencuri kekayaan orang asli Papua adalah penjajah dan Musuh Rakyat bangsa Papua Barat. Dengan dasar itu, TPN-OPM siap membersihkan secara menyeluruh dari tanah leluhur bangsa Papua.

TPN-OPM juga memperingatkan kepada orang Melayu Indonesia yang ada di Papua segera gulung Tikat dan pulang kampung, karena TPN-OPM siap melaksanakan Revolusi Tahapan dan Revolusi Total.

Demikian pernyataan TPN-OPM atas insiden penembakan terhadap anggota TNI/POLRI oleh TPN-OPM dibawah Comando Gen. Goliath Naman Tabuni. Terima kasih atas perhatian Anda.

Admin WPNLA 2013

Republic of West Papua

Republic of West Papua Republik Papua Barat
Flag Coat of arms
Motto: "Loyal, Honest, Affectionate"
Anthem: Hai Tanahku Papua Oh My Land Papua
Capital		Jayapura
Ethnic groups		Papuan peoples
Government
-	President	Not Yet
Independence from the Netherlands and Indonesia
-	End of Dutch rule	1 December 1961
-	Reproclaimed	1 July 1971
Area
-		420,540 km2 162,371 sq mi
Time zone		(UTC+9)

The Republic of West Papua is a proposed Tribes state consisting of the West Papua region. It is not recognized by Indonesia or other countries. It includes the provinces of Papua and West Papua. It was unilaterally declared in July 1971. Several militant and social movement organizations are fighting in the Papua conflict for West Papuan independence, including the Free Papua Movement, the West Papua Liberation Organization (WPLO) (its head is John Anari), and the West Papua National Liberation Army (WPLNA). The WPNLA supports both the WPLO and the Free Papua Movement. The ideology of the Free Papua movement is connected with decline of modern life and refusing cultural or economical development.

Understanding Future Leaders Attitudes to National Identity in Melanesia and Timor-Leste

Understanding Future Leaders Attitudes to National Identity in Melanesia and Timor-Leste

Free West Papua Compain In Timor Leste

A discussion paper published through the Australian National University’s ‘State, Society and Governance in Melanesia’ series authored by: Michael Leach, James Scambary, Matthew Clarke, Simon Feeny, & Heather Wallace. ISSN: 1328-7854

In 1992, former prime minister of Solomon Islands, Solomon Mamaloni famously described his home as ‘a nation conceived but never born’, going on to say, ‘All of these small “island nations” were independent entities long before the northern explorers found them. Their cultures differed from each other. However, inter migration between islands close to each other has resulted in some similarities in customs and other characteristics. The merging of these ‘island nations’ into one ‘sovereign authority’ was by human design… Unfortunately, for all practical purposes it was the greatest error of the British administration in this region.’

‘Understanding Future Leaders Attitudes to National Identity in Melanesia and Timor-Leste’ presents findings and analysis of 1,160 surveys conducted with University students from Papua New Guinea, Solomon Islands, Vanuatu and Timor-Leste between June 2009 and March 2010. Unfortunately, Fiji was not included in the study, which would have been interesting, especially in light of the country’s diverse cultural makeup, distinct foreign policies and influential political status in Melanesia.

In any case, the paper is both relevant and worthwhile, lending quantitative data to topic areas usually confined to qualitative examination and drawing attention to the important and fundamental differences between concepts of ‘state-building’ and ‘nation-building’. This is an important exercise, especially given the recognised barriers to development that a divide between functions of the ‘nation’ and ‘state’ appear to create. Along with the background section exploring the concepts of nation- and state- building, the paper includes an overview of the methodology of the study and an in-depth exploration of the findings, conveyed via several fascinating tables and graphs accompanied by strong analysis.

The findings presented in the paper lend weight to the argument that while state-building is important, greater attention needs to be paid to the challenges of nation-building in Melanesia and Timor-Leste,
‘While the international community is preoccupied with post-conflict state- building (focused on improving governance, institutional capacity, accountability, and the rule of law) the broader processes of nation-building (community development, identity formation, and national integration), and of creating the conditions for social cohesion and political stability have been relatively neglected.’

A recent ODI opinion piece contends, along a similar vein, that state-building efforts could be enhanced not only by supporting weak governments, but through complementary ‘citizenship-building’ efforts. By improving citizens’ levels of participation and their democratic demands, governments become more accountable, in turn strengthening capacity.

The hypothesis of ‘Understanding Future Leaders Attitudes to National Identity in Melanesia and Timor-Leste’ is that by studying the views of today’s educated elites, we can gain a better understanding of some of the challenges confronting efforts to build a stronger sense of national identity and achieve greater social cohesion in political communities. A nuanced understanding of the attitudes of these elites could prove useful to Pacific governments, donors and civil society in terms of assisting policymakers with prioritising policy focus areas and resource allocation. Information from the survey brings attention to particularly disenfranchised members of communities (such as women) and brings attention to issues of particular concern. For example, the paper highlights tensions surrounding rural-urban migration, with 91% of Papua New Guineans surveyed stating a belief that ‘people moving to cities and towns causes social problems’. Such figures could prompt politicians and policymakers to increase efforts to improve urban management strategies and/or rural service delivery.

Highlighting the diverse cultural and ethno-linguistic make-up the four countries, (sharing more than 1000 distinct languages between them), it is possible that information gathered could be used to assist governments with future decisions regarding the structure of their language education policies. One particular table shared in the discussion paper (see below) helps illustrate why Timor-Leste’s recent decision to make Portuguese an official language proved so controversial.

While the findings of the study are undeniably valuable, policy makers should be wary of the temptation to apply more meaning to the study than was originally intended. The authors acknowledge that the findings reflect the views of ‘an educated stratum of youth’. These educated elites are not only more likely to be younger but also a wealthier, urban-raised minority afforded a rare opportunity to mingle with people from distant provinces and countries. As such, it is important to remember that the views expressed in the surveys may not necessarily reflect beliefs held by ider populations. That being said, those surveyed represent a significantly influential and powerful group of the future, a segment of society worth understanding better.
Among others, some of the key findings of the student survey include:

• -The level of respect felt for traditional authority and kastom/adat matched the level of respect for modern state authority
• -Although Christianity was recognised as a key marker of national identity, respect for traditional authority and custom usually exceeded it in perceptions of importance
• -Differences in geographical region of origin, language background and gender, along with historical, colonial and missionary legacies all noticeably influenced attitudes toward national identity
• -There are significant levels of disaffection surrounding issues of rural-urban migration
• -Women expressed lower levels of closeness to their home villages, and lower levels of faith in traditional authorities for dispute resolution across all four countries. In PNG, women were also significantly less proud of their country’s ‘fair and equal treatment of all citizens’
• -The key sources of national pride lay less in the capacity of the state and more with popular affiliations to society, culture, and independence. There were high levels of respect for political institutions in principle but less faith in their actual performance.

The paper contends that if hurdles relating to governance and service provision can be addressed, there is potential to improve social cohesion and build nations upon the bases of shared pride in national history, culture, faith and the demonstrated belief in the overarching principles of democracy. Ideas that a healthy arts and culture environment are fundamental to nation building have also been explored in this discussion paper by PiPP.

‘Understanding Future Leaders Attitudes to National Identity in Melanesia and Timor-Leste’ begins by lamenting not enough attention is being paid to nation-building objectives. It shares Scott’s (2005) contention that a weak state is a cause rather than an effect of the comparative weakness of national identity. Rather than debating whether state-building or nation-building projects are the development version of the ‘chicken’ or the ‘egg’, it seems clear that projects in developing countries would be more likely to succeed if nation-building objectives were to be given greater attention and worked on complementarily with state-building goals.

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